Comunicado del Partido Comunista Colombiano sobre amenazas y espionaje militar

Rechazamos el r茅gimen de espionaje, chuzadas y amenazas a la oposici贸n democr谩tica

La revelaci贸n de una estaci贸n clandestina de espionaje en pleno centro de Bogot谩 ratifica la presencia de factores de boicot al proceso de paz en el coraz贸n mismo del gobierno nacional, conectados con las fuentes de desestabilizaci贸n en instalaciones militares y que demandan millonarios recursos para su manutenci贸n y ocultamiento.

Las denuncias de la revista Semana coinciden con el esc谩ndalo de las amenazas v铆a Internet contra dirigentes y activistas de la izquierda, en especial de la Uni贸n Patri贸tica, Marcha Patri贸tica y el Partido Comunista y el reciente allanamiento ilegal de la polic铆a a las oficinas de este 煤ltimo. Las contradictorias explicaciones oficiales conducen a justificar en la ley 1621 de 2013, llamada ley de inteligencia, como actividades l铆citas el espionaje a opositores pol铆ticos, directivos de organizaciones sociales e incluso negociadores del paz del gobierno en La Habana.

No se trata de 鈥渇uerzas oscuras鈥 sino de estructuras del Estado, vinculadas a la flamante CIME (Central de inteligencia militar del Estado). Es un ciclo que se repite y que corresponde a una forma de autoritarismo en el que los instrumentos de la informaci贸n estatal se enfocan contra los opositores pol铆ticos y sociales de izquierda y alimentan el sabotaje auspiciado por personajes como 脕lvaro Uribe.

驴C贸mo se explica que unos funcionarios p煤blicos, adscritos a estructuras de inteligencia del Ej茅rcito, sujetas a jerarqu铆as castrenses y que obedecen a 贸rdenes superiores, esp铆an a opositores pol铆ticos y sociales o a otros funcionarios?

En un contexto de contrainsurgencia los sistemas de inteligencia e informaci贸n obedecen a la l贸gica de la guerra civil. Desde el desmantelamiento de la XX Brigada en 1998 el Estado colombiano anunciaba el compromiso de destruir archivos y renunciar a la utilizaci贸n pol铆tica de la informaci贸n de inteligencia. De hecho, tanto en el caso del DAS como en lo que ahora parece retornar con Andr贸meda, el peligro est谩 en su vinculaci贸n con actividades clandestinas de desinformaci贸n, contra-informaci贸n, divulgaci贸n de calumnias, montaje de procesos ama帽ados ante la Fiscal铆a o realizaci贸n de operativos criminales, directamente o a trav茅s de terceros. Especialmente las llamadas operaciones clandestinas han estado vinculadas con grav铆simas violaciones de los derechos humanos.

Permanece la concepci贸n de 鈥渆nemigo interior鈥, herencia de la 鈥済uerra fr铆a鈥 anticomunista, que gu铆a el proceder del Ministro de Defensa y un sector de los altos mandos orientados al hostigamiento de los opositores pol铆ticos y sociales del r茅gimen dominante y al boicot del di谩logo de paz, en abierta contradicci贸n con la proclamada pol铆tica oficial. La gravedad del momento radica en el riesgo de la interrupci贸n del proceso de paz desde las esferas internas del gobierno y el desencadenamiento de represalias masivas o selectivas de exterminio de opositores de izquierda, en el marco de una campa帽a pol铆tica electoral. Es lo m谩s semejante al autogolpe de Estado, si se considera la actitud permanentemente conciliadora de Santos con la ultraderecha el militarismo.

En consecuencia,

- Exigimos la derogatoria de la ley 1621 de 2013, la claridad y transparencia de las investigaciones, contra la tendencia a tapar las evidencias; el desmantelamiento de las estaciones clandestinas, la reglamentaci贸n y control sobre los hackers al servicio de la inteligencia militar;

- exigimos la destrucci贸n de la informaci贸n no autorizada por el Poder Judicial sobre personas, organizaciones sociales y pol铆ticas, con supervisi贸n de las organizaciones de derechos humanos y de la Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las NNUU para los derechos humanos;

- Reclamamos la renuncia del Ministro de Defensa, el cambio en las declaraciones de funcionarios que descalifican el proceso de di谩logo de La Habana y satanizan a la oposici贸n social y democr谩tica.

- Exigimos el esclarecimiento sobre las amenazas, panfletos, hostigamientos, allanamientos ilegales y torturas, en los casos denunciados por Uni贸n Patri贸tica, Marcha Patri贸tica, MIA, Partido Comunista y otros movimientos y compromiso p煤blico del presidente en cuanto a las garant铆as para las fuerzas alternativas de la izquierda en la actual contienda electoral.

- Llamamos a todas vertientes democr谩ticas de la opini贸n y al movimiento social a rodear solidariamente a las personas de izquierda amenazadas; a acompa帽ar sus denuncias, reclamos y quejas en una s贸lida defensa colectiva ante la arbitrariedad y la antidemocracia; y a consolidar los pasos hacia un Frente Amplio en defensa del di谩logo por la paz, la justicia social y los derechos ciudadanos.

PARTIDO COMUNISTA COLOMBIANO
COMIT脡 EJECUTIVO CENTRAL

Bogot谩, febrero 7 de 2014



AUN NO ESTAMOS TODOS ... FALTAN LOS PRESOS POLITICOS

foto: ASPUDDHH, el departamento de Derechos Humanos de la Asociac贸n de Profesores Universitarios de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia

En la foto:聽 izquierda, el profesor William Javier D铆az, ex prisionero pol铆tico
En el medio: la defensora de derechos humanos Liliany Obando, ex prisionera pol铆tica
En la derecha el profesor, Miguel Angel Beltr谩n, ex prisionero pol铆tico

A脷N NO ESTAMOS TODOS... FALTAN LOS PRESOS POL脥TICOS

隆EL SILENCIO NO ES ALTERNATIVA!

CAMPA脩A POR LA LIBERTAD DE LAS Y LOS PRISIONEROS POL脥TICOS "YO TE NOMBRO LIBERTAD"


https://www.facebook.com/aspuddhh?fref=ts


Congressman James McGovern denounces US military, CIA operation

"I am deeply disturbed by the revelations described by Semana.com of illegal surveillance on the part of the Colombian military of the Colombian peace negotiations, as well as reports of continuing illegal surveillance by military intelligence of Colombian human rights defenders and opposition politicians.聽 I had hoped such operations had been dismantled and placed firmly in Colombia's past.


I strongly support President Santos' commitment to stop such operations immediately and carry out a full investigation into how they came to be, including who ordered, organized, coordinated, supervised and funded them, and what has been done with the intelligence gathered. 聽


As a U.S. Congressman, I am also disturbed by the possibility that U.S. intelligence or defense agencies might have unwittingly provided support to the so-called "Andromeda" operation, either directly or indirectly, through funds, equipment, training, intelligence-sharing or receipt of tainted intelligence. 聽


I call upon my own government to carry out an investigation of any such possible links and to share those findings with President Santos.聽 I also call on President Obama to ensure that all branches of the U.S. government, including the intelligence services and the Pentagon, speak with one voice to all their Colombian counterparts in strong and unequivocal support of the peace negotiations."


Michael Mershon
Deputy Chief of Staff / Press Secretary
U.S. Rep. Jim McGovern (MA-03)
(202) 225-6101 - Office


US Nightmare? As Cuba goes, so goes Colombia

By W. T. Whitney Jr.

Cuba solidarity activists rallied in Bogota鈥檚 Policarpo district on January 26 to celebrate Cuban national hero Jose Marti鈥檚 161st birthday. Marti, champion of 鈥淥ur America鈥 鈥 lands south of the Rio Grande River - launched an anti-imperialist movement that persists in Cuba more than a century later. Colombian revolutionary struggle mirrors that durability.

U.S stubbornness regarding Cuba is legendary. After all, the victory of the Cuban revolution was 鈥渢he big fish that got away.鈥 That kind of intransigence is apparent now as the U. S. government deals with peace negotiations underway in Havana between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). It seems that that the United States is adamant that the FARC not be allowed to achieve revolutionary goals through negotiations.

FARC negotiator Pablo Catatumbo thinks the U.S. government is undermining Colombian sovereignty. He was responding to a recent Washington Post report demonstrating a direct U. S. hand in killing FARC leaders. Author Dana Priest conferred with U.S. military and intelligence officials to learn that for eight years CIA officials working in the U.S. Embassy have been directing raids against the FARC. They used bombs equipped with sophisticated guidance equipment built by Raytheon Corporation, secret funds, and intelligence provided by NSA intercepts. He suggests the FARC is near defeat, defense against guided bombs is impossible, and FARC drug dealing and terrorism threaten U. S. security.

This program is separate from U.S. Plan Colombia with its airbases, U. S. troops on the ground, and $9 billion in military and police funding.

For Catatumbo, the report 鈥渃onfirms FARC pronouncements as to trans-nationalization of the Colombian conflict and the growing dependency and servility of the Colombian armed forces to the U.S. military apparatus.鈥 Colombia鈥檚 army 鈥渋s no more than a cogwheel inside the U.S. war-making machine [and] the Colombian insurgency. [The FARC] is fighting the most powerful imperialism ever existing on the face of the earth.鈥

That U.S. raids continue during peace negotiation, that high officials released secret information to a reporter, may signal U.S. preference for continuing war in Colombia once the talks are over.

U. S. war against Cuba began in Marti鈥檚 time and hasn鈥檛 stopped. Afro-Cubans and Cuban students, unionists, and poor people routed Spanish colonialists and later rebelled, struck, and took to the streets In the name of national independence. U.S. governments sent in troops, supported dictatorships, and mounted democratic facades. The victory of Cuba鈥檚 revolution shook U.S. bearings, especially because in 1959 the worldwide communist movement was gaining. 鈥淭he Cuban Revolution was an alarm bell for North American politics and for dominant classes and militaries in Latin America,鈥 explains analyst Hernando Calvo Ospina.(1)

It was in this context that the United States took note of farmer guerrillas in Colombia who were communists. Agitation for agrarian rights had been ongoing for three decades. Historian James Brittain points out, however, that, 鈥淯nlike in most of Latin America, where communism gained strength in urban enclaves...in Colombia the Communist Party developed its greatest influence in rural areas,鈥 (2)

Crisis erupted with the assassination on April 9, 1948 of charismatic Liberal Party leader Jorge Eli茅cer Gait谩n, expected soon to become president. He had raised hopes for reforms that would include rights for small landholders. Some 200,000 Colombians died over the next ten years as insurgent bands fought government forces in rural areas.

Gait谩n鈥檚 murder and deadly street violence played out in Bogota just as a meeting there headed by U.S. Secretary of State George C. Marshall was converting the old Pan American Union into the Organization of American States (OAS), envisioned as a tool for protecting Latin America and the Caribbean from communism.

During the 1950鈥檚, communist rural insurgents were establishing autonomous communities in southern Colombia that they defended with arms. In 1962 a U. S. Army special warfare advisory group headed by General William Yarborough investigated and recommended military action against rural self-defense communities.

The group promoted use of paramilitaries. 鈥淐ivilian and military personnel would be selected for clandestine training in resistance operations. [They] could perform counter-agent and counter 鈥 propaganda functions and as necessary execute paramilitary, sabotage and/or terrorist activities against known communist proponents. It should be backed by the United States.鈥 (3)

Thus in July 1964, 鈥淭he most aggressive military campaign in Colombia鈥檚 modern history鈥 descended upon Communist enclaves near Marquetalia in Southern Tolima. (4) The 16,000 attacking Colombian troops used U.S. money, advisors, helicopters, and napalm. The countryside was devastated, but the insurgents escaped and soon established themselves as the FARC.

FARC commander Jacobo Arenas declared afterwards that 鈥淚mperialism is our main enemy.....If it were not for North American help; we would soon take care of the oligarchy.鈥 鈥淵ankee imperialism is our enemy and also enemy of peoples throughout the world.鈥 (5)

Peace talks would follow, but the war continued. U.S. meddling affected the outcome of two sets of talks. In 1984, conservative President Belisario Betancur and FARC leaders agreed that fighting would end and insurgents would take up regular politics. Paramilitaries, however, decimated the Patriotic Union (UP) electoral coalition they, the Communist Party, and other leftists had formed. Paramilitaries killed thousands of UP electoral candidates and activists.

The FARC subsequently expanded throughout the country, even into cities. Peace negotiations in 1998 鈥 2000 in San Vicente del Cagu谩n failed. FARC communications then with a Cuban official in Colombia shed light on why the FARC withdrew: 鈥淐ommander Marulanda believes the United States will intervene in the Colombian conflict and that therefore conditions of guerrilla war will change ... and on that account the guerrillas need...at least two years to gather resources and adjust tactics.鈥(6) FARC leader Manuel Marulanda was referring to U.S. Plan Colombia.

Later another Cuban diplomat passed on other Marulanda views to Havana: 鈥淗e agrees with us that any advance in the peace process will be sabotaged by paramilitaries. He signaled that the United States is no help at all in the process of dialogues with the FARC.....with their extraordinary accusations of narco-trafficking.鈥 (7) Many observers say charges of drug-trafficking and terrorism are aimed at obscuring real reasons why the United States took sides in a faraway, class-based civil war.

Presently the U.S. government is a party of sorts to talks in Havana. FARC negotiators want peace with social justice. Central American precedents suggest the United States might accept peace as long as social wrongs aren鈥檛 meddled with. The histories of anti-imperialist struggles in both Colombia and Cuba demonstrate, however, that U.S. forces at every level are engaged for the long haul.

Calvo Ospina told an interviewer recently that, 鈥渞ealistically and pragmatically, it will be decided in Washington whether or not the government in Bogota moves on and signs a peace treaty... At this time, I don鈥檛 see either government being committed to having peace with social justice materialize in Colombia.鈥

Notes:

1. Hernando Calco Ospina, 鈥淐olombia, Laboratorio de Embrujos,鈥 Foca, Madrid, 2008, p. 86.

2. James J. Brittain, 鈥淩evolutionary Social Change in Colombia,鈥 Pluto Press, London, p. 3

3. Brittain, op. cit., p. 268-269

4. Brittain, op.cit., p. 12.

5. Fidel Castro 鈥淟a Paz en Colombia,鈥 Havana, 2008, p. 76. The quote from Marulanda appears in Arenas鈥 book used by Castro. Castro鈥檚 book is accessible at: http://www.rebelion.org/docs/75865.pdf

6. Fidel Castro, op. cit., p.110. Castro was summarizing the report of a Cuban Embassy official in Bogota who had met with FARC leaders negotiating with the government.

7. Fidel Castro. op.cit. p. 105.