AUN NO ESTAMOS TODOS ... FALTAN LOS PRESOS POLITICOS

foto: ASPUDDHH, el departamento de Derechos Humanos de la Asociacón de Profesores Universitarios de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia

En la foto:  izquierda, el profesor William Javier Díaz, ex prisionero político
En el medio: la defensora de derechos humanos Liliany Obando, ex prisionera política
En la derecha el profesor, Miguel Angel Beltrán, ex prisionero político

A√öN NO ESTAMOS TODOS... FALTAN LOS PRESOS POL√ćTICOS

¬°EL SILENCIO NO ES ALTERNATIVA!

CAMPA√ĎA POR LA LIBERTAD DE LAS Y LOS PRISIONEROS POL√ćTICOS "YO TE NOMBRO LIBERTAD"


https://www.facebook.com/aspuddhh?fref=ts


Congressman James McGovern denounces US military, CIA operation

"I am deeply disturbed by the revelations described by Semana.com of illegal surveillance on the part of the Colombian military of the Colombian peace negotiations, as well as reports of continuing illegal surveillance by military intelligence of Colombian human rights defenders and opposition politicians.  I had hoped such operations had been dismantled and placed firmly in Colombia's past.


I strongly support President Santos' commitment to stop such operations immediately and carry out a full investigation into how they came to be, including who ordered, organized, coordinated, supervised and funded them, and what has been done with the intelligence gathered.  


As a U.S. Congressman, I am also disturbed by the possibility that U.S. intelligence or defense agencies might have unwittingly provided support to the so-called "Andromeda" operation, either directly or indirectly, through funds, equipment, training, intelligence-sharing or receipt of tainted intelligence.  


I call upon my own government to carry out an investigation of any such possible links and to share those findings with President Santos.  I also call on President Obama to ensure that all branches of the U.S. government, including the intelligence services and the Pentagon, speak with one voice to all their Colombian counterparts in strong and unequivocal support of the peace negotiations."


Michael Mershon
Deputy Chief of Staff / Press Secretary
U.S. Rep. Jim McGovern (MA-03)
(202) 225-6101 - Office


US Nightmare? As Cuba goes, so goes Colombia

By W. T. Whitney Jr.

Cuba solidarity activists rallied in Bogota‚Äôs Policarpo district on January 26 to celebrate Cuban national hero Jose Marti‚Äôs 161st birthday. Marti, champion of ‚ÄúOur America‚ÄĚ ‚Äď lands south of the Rio Grande River - launched an anti-imperialist movement that persists in Cuba more than a century later. Colombian revolutionary struggle mirrors that durability.

U.S stubbornness regarding Cuba is legendary. After all, the victory of the Cuban revolution was ‚Äúthe big fish that got away.‚ÄĚ That kind of intransigence is apparent now as the U. S. government deals with peace negotiations underway in Havana between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). It seems that that the United States is adamant that the FARC not be allowed to achieve revolutionary goals through negotiations.

FARC negotiator Pablo Catatumbo thinks the U.S. government is undermining Colombian sovereignty. He was responding to a recent Washington Post report demonstrating a direct U. S. hand in killing FARC leaders. Author Dana Priest conferred with U.S. military and intelligence officials to learn that for eight years CIA officials working in the U.S. Embassy have been directing raids against the FARC. They used bombs equipped with sophisticated guidance equipment built by Raytheon Corporation, secret funds, and intelligence provided by NSA intercepts. He suggests the FARC is near defeat, defense against guided bombs is impossible, and FARC drug dealing and terrorism threaten U. S. security.

This program is separate from U.S. Plan Colombia with its airbases, U. S. troops on the ground, and $9 billion in military and police funding.

For Catatumbo, the report ‚Äúconfirms FARC pronouncements as to trans-nationalization of the Colombian conflict and the growing dependency and servility of the Colombian armed forces to the U.S. military apparatus.‚ÄĚ Colombia‚Äôs army ‚Äúis no more than a cogwheel inside the U.S. war-making machine [and] the Colombian insurgency. [The FARC] is fighting the most powerful imperialism ever existing on the face of the earth.‚ÄĚ

That U.S. raids continue during peace negotiation, that high officials released secret information to a reporter, may signal U.S. preference for continuing war in Colombia once the talks are over.

U. S. war against Cuba began in Marti‚Äôs time and hasn‚Äôt stopped. Afro-Cubans and Cuban students, unionists, and poor people routed Spanish colonialists and later rebelled, struck, and took to the streets In the name of national independence. U.S. governments sent in troops, supported dictatorships, and mounted democratic facades. The victory of Cuba‚Äôs revolution shook U.S. bearings, especially because in 1959 the worldwide communist movement was gaining. ‚ÄúThe Cuban Revolution was an alarm bell for North American politics and for dominant classes and militaries in Latin America,‚ÄĚ explains analyst Hernando Calvo Ospina.(1)

It was in this context that the United States took note of farmer guerrillas in Colombia who were communists. Agitation for agrarian rights had been ongoing for three decades. Historian James Brittain points out, however, that, ‚ÄúUnlike in most of Latin America, where communism gained strength in urban enclaves...in Colombia the Communist Party developed its greatest influence in rural areas,‚ÄĚ (2)

Crisis erupted with the assassination on April 9, 1948 of charismatic Liberal Party leader Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, expected soon to become president. He had raised hopes for reforms that would include rights for small landholders. Some 200,000 Colombians died over the next ten years as insurgent bands fought government forces in rural areas.

Gaitán’s murder and deadly street violence played out in Bogota just as a meeting there headed by U.S. Secretary of State George C. Marshall was converting the old Pan American Union into the Organization of American States (OAS), envisioned as a tool for protecting Latin America and the Caribbean from communism.

During the 1950’s, communist rural insurgents were establishing autonomous communities in southern Colombia that they defended with arms. In 1962 a U. S. Army special warfare advisory group headed by General William Yarborough investigated and recommended military action against rural self-defense communities.

The group promoted use of paramilitaries. ‚ÄúCivilian and military personnel would be selected for clandestine training in resistance operations. [They] could perform counter-agent and counter ‚Äď propaganda functions and as necessary execute paramilitary, sabotage and/or terrorist activities against known communist proponents. It should be backed by the United States.‚ÄĚ (3)

Thus in July 1964, ‚ÄúThe most aggressive military campaign in Colombia‚Äôs modern history‚ÄĚ descended upon Communist enclaves near Marquetalia in Southern Tolima. (4) The 16,000 attacking Colombian troops used U.S. money, advisors, helicopters, and napalm. The countryside was devastated, but the insurgents escaped and soon established themselves as the FARC.

FARC commander Jacobo Arenas declared afterwards that ‚ÄúImperialism is our main enemy.....If it were not for North American help; we would soon take care of the oligarchy.‚ÄĚ ‚ÄúYankee imperialism is our enemy and also enemy of peoples throughout the world.‚ÄĚ (5)

Peace talks would follow, but the war continued. U.S. meddling affected the outcome of two sets of talks. In 1984, conservative President Belisario Betancur and FARC leaders agreed that fighting would end and insurgents would take up regular politics. Paramilitaries, however, decimated the Patriotic Union (UP) electoral coalition they, the Communist Party, and other leftists had formed. Paramilitaries killed thousands of UP electoral candidates and activists.

The FARC subsequently expanded throughout the country, even into cities. Peace negotiations in 1998 ‚Äď 2000 in San Vicente del Cagu√°n failed. FARC communications then with a Cuban official in Colombia shed light on why the FARC withdrew: ‚ÄúCommander Marulanda believes the United States will intervene in the Colombian conflict and that therefore conditions of guerrilla war will change ... and on that account the guerrillas need...at least two years to gather resources and adjust tactics.‚ÄĚ(6) FARC leader Manuel Marulanda was referring to U.S. Plan Colombia.

Later another Cuban diplomat passed on other Marulanda views to Havana: ‚ÄúHe agrees with us that any advance in the peace process will be sabotaged by paramilitaries. He signaled that the United States is no help at all in the process of dialogues with the FARC.....with their extraordinary accusations of narco-trafficking.‚ÄĚ (7) Many observers say charges of drug-trafficking and terrorism are aimed at obscuring real reasons why the United States took sides in a faraway, class-based civil war.

Presently the U.S. government is a party of sorts to talks in Havana. FARC negotiators want peace with social justice. Central American precedents suggest the United States might accept peace as long as social wrongs aren’t meddled with. The histories of anti-imperialist struggles in both Colombia and Cuba demonstrate, however, that U.S. forces at every level are engaged for the long haul.

Calvo Ospina told an interviewer recently that, ‚Äúrealistically and pragmatically, it will be decided in Washington whether or not the government in Bogota moves on and signs a peace treaty... At this time, I don‚Äôt see either government being committed to having peace with social justice materialize in Colombia.‚ÄĚ

Notes:

1. Hernando Calco Ospina, ‚ÄúColombia, Laboratorio de Embrujos,‚ÄĚ Foca, Madrid, 2008, p. 86.

2. James J. Brittain, ‚ÄúRevolutionary Social Change in Colombia,‚ÄĚ Pluto Press, London, p. 3

3. Brittain, op. cit., p. 268-269

4. Brittain, op.cit., p. 12.

5. Fidel Castro ‚ÄúLa Paz en Colombia,‚ÄĚ Havana, 2008, p. 76. The quote from Marulanda appears in Arenas‚Äô book used by Castro. Castro‚Äôs book is accessible at: http://www.rebelion.org/docs/75865.pdf

6. Fidel Castro, op. cit., p.110. Castro was summarizing the report of a Cuban Embassy official in Bogota who had met with FARC leaders negotiating with the government.

7. Fidel Castro. op.cit. p. 105.



DENUNCIA PUBLICA

La Corporaci√≥n Solidaridad Jur√≠dica emite DENUNCIA P√öBLICA contra el Instituto Nacional Penitenciario y Carcelario de Colombia -INPEC- y CAPRECOM (ente encargado de la salud en los centros de reclusi√≥n del pa√≠s) por los tratos degradantes e inhumanos hacia el prisionero pol√≠tico y de guerra Dar√≠o Jim√©nez Casta√Īeda con TD 07373, al omitir un diagn√≥stico oportuno y negarle la atenci√≥n m√©dica adecuada y pertinente.

*HECHOS:*

Dar√≠o Jim√©nez Casta√Īeda fue capturado en Yopal el 5 de abril de 2013, en donde ingres√≥ a la c√°rcel de Villavicencio con graves problemas de salud debido a una esquirla que quedo introducida entre sus dos ojos. Dicho problema le ha afectado a Dar√≠o su o√≠do y su ojo izquierdo. El ojo izquierdo pr√°cticamente lo perdi√≥ y en su o√≠do tiene varios problemas graves que empeoran cada d√≠a m√°s.

A Darío se le hizo una valoración y le enviaron una serie de exámenes los cuales se le realizaron cuatro meses después. Le tomaron una radiografía la cual el médico no ha podido valorar porque supuestamente CAPRECOM no ha enviado la autorización; sin embargo sus familiares afirman que CAPRECOM autorizó para que se le realizaran los exámenes y afirman que ellos mismos llevaron la autorización al INPEC.

En estos momentos Dar√≠o ha perdido pr√°cticamente el ojo izquierdo y su situaci√≥n de salud es lamentable. Sufre fuertes y extenuantes dolores de cabeza, tambi√©n sufre par√°lisis moment√°neos en su rostro y por su o√≠do izquierdo ya casi no escucha. El medico afirma que puede perder el o√≠do y una muela. El lunes 16 de diciembre de 2013 a Dar√≠o lo atac√≥ un fuerte dolor en la cintura, la valoraci√≥n por parte de la enfermera fue c√°lculos en los ri√Īones. El INPEC afirm√≥ que iban a mandar una orden a CAPRECOM para tomarle la ecograf√≠a, sin embargo en CAPRECOM afirman que el INPEC no ha mandado ninguna orden.

El día 21 de diciembre el interno se presentó en sanidad para asistir a su cita y la respuesta fue que nadie tenia conocimiento del caso, le dieron acetaminofén y buscapina. El INPEC le niegan el ingreso de medicamentos extras por parte de la familia mientras Darío sufre los fuertes dolores causados por los cálculos.

Actualmente Dar√≠o Jim√©nez se encuentra tendido en el patio Santander de la c√°rcel de Villavicencio sufriendo los fuertes dolores de los caculos y con parte de su rostro paralizado por los da√Īos que produjo la esquirla.

Por su parte el INPEC y CAPRECOM se responsabilizan mutuamente sin atender los graves problemas de salud que sufre Darío.

*PETICIONES*

Ante la clara negligencia por parte del INPEC y CAPRECOM, exigimos que se le haga una valoraci√≥n oportuna y se le preste una adecuada, digna e inmediata atenci√≥n m√©dica a Dar√≠o Jim√©nez Casta√Īeda.

Que los organismos estatales defensores de *derechos humanos* investiguen la grave problem√°tica de salud en la cual se encuentra Dar√≠o Jim√©nez Casta√Īeda y las omisiones en la debida atenci√≥n m√©dica y diagn√≥sticos oportunos cometidas por el INPEC y CAPRECOM, a fin de sancionar a los responsables de las violaciones a los derechos a la vida y la salud del prisionero.

Jaime Ernesto Pérez Camargo Director EPMSC Villavicencio Instituto Nacional Penitenciario y Carcelario -INPEC- Dirección General Calle 26 No. 27-48 PBX (57+1) 2347474 / 2347262 Bogotá - Colombia Correo: cerotoleranciaalacorrupcion@inpec.gov.co

Juan Manuel Santos Presidente de la Rep√ļblica Cra. 8 # 7-26, Palacio de Nari√Īo. Santa Fe de Bogot√°. Fax:+57.1.566.20.71

Angelino Garz√≥n Vicepresidente de la Rep√ļblica Tels. (+571) 334.45.07, (+573) 7720130, E-mail: hernanulloa@presidencia.gov.co

Programa Presidencial de Derechos Humanos y de Derecho Internacional Humanitario. Calle 7 N¬į 5-54 Santaf√© de Bogot√° TEL: (+571) 336.03.11 FAX: (+57 1) 337.46.67 E- mail: cefranco@presidencia.gov.co

Eduardo Montealgre Lynett Fiscal General de la Nación E-mail: fibarra@presidencia.gov.co

Fiscalía General de la Nación Diagonal 22 B No.52-01 Santa fe de Bogotá. Fax: (+571) 570 20 00 E-mail: contacto@fiscalia.gov.co; denuncie@fiscalia.gov.co

Fernando Carrillo Flórez Ministro del Interior Carrera 9ªN. 14 -10 Bogotá D.C e-mail ministro@minjusticia.gov.co

Jorge Armando Ot√°lora Defensor del Pueblo Colombia Oficinas en Bogot√°: Calle 55 N¬ļ 10 - 32 - C√≥digo Postal 110231 - PBX: [57 1] 3147300

Alejandro Ordo√Īez Procurador General de la Naci√≥n Carrera 5¬™ nro. 15 - 60 (Bogot√°) 18000 910 315 - L√≠nea reducida: 142 - PBX: (571) 5878750 Email: quejas@procuraduria.gov.co / dcap@procuraduria.gov.co /webmaster@procuraduria.gov.co

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